Rojava official says no more hostile actions from Turkey

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Elham Ahmed, co-chair of Rojava's foreign relations office, told Rudaw in an exclusive interview that Turkey has dramatically decreased its attacks on Kurdish forces in northeast Syria (Rojava).

"The situation now is better than it was before. There is calm, there are no hostilities, which is good. We view this positively and hope that it will be permanent and not temporary," she said on Wednesday.

Ahmed added that the United States has played a significant role in facilitating the talks with Turkey, stressing that the Kurdish administration is looking to establish a permanent ceasefire with Ankara.

"With Turkey, we want to agree on these key points: a ceasefire, de-escalating tensions, and ending the war,” the co-chair of Rojava's foreign relations office noted.

“What should progress, is advancing and is under discussion. For this [agreement] to be permanent, [which is] what is wanted, and what steps we can take together… discussions are taking place within this framework," she stated.

Turkey and the militia groups it supports have carried out attacks against Rojava’s de facto army, the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), for years. Ankara alleges that the SDF is affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) - a Turkey-based Kurdish group locked down in a decades-long conflict with Ankara. However, the SDF denies the claim.

Ahmed also touched on several other issues, including the role of the Kurdistan Region in Rojava.

Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani on April 11 met Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa for the first time in Turkey.

The co-chair of Rojava's foreign relations office described such meetings as important as most people who meet the new Syrian leadership encourage them to resolve issues with other Syrian parties.

Ahmed stated that the Kurdistan Region has played a key role in the talks aimed at establishing a united front between Rojava’s ruling Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdish National Council (ENKS/KNC).

The following the full transcript of the interview with Elham Ahmed:

Rudaw: When will an agreement between ENKS and PYD be announced?

Elham Ahmed: Negotiations have been ongoing between the parties for a long time. Recently, a conference was supposed to be held and the conference preparations are continuing. The document outlining the demands the Kurdish parties have agreed upon, which will be the basis for talks with Damascus, is also ready. Discussions about the announcement are ongoing and preparations are underway to announce this agreement at a conference. I believe this issue has reached its final stages and only the date of the conference remains to be determined.

When will the conference take place?

Very soon. I hope that the points still under discussion will be addressed, after which the conference should be held this month.

Based on the negotiations between ENKS and PYD, will you be demanding federalism or decentralization from Damascus?

It would be better if they [ENKS and PYD] announce this matter themselves because they have agreed on several points. It is better if those agreed points are announced through a conference. Within the framework of addressing the Kurdish issue in Syria and the overall Syrian solution, what will Kurdish rights be in the constitution and what kind of state will be in place to protect the rights of all ethnic groups in Syria? There are some points based on this foundation. In this framework, I believe that autonomy and self-administration are the demands of both sides.

Self-administration, decentralization or federalism?

I might not be able to name it at the moment. In the document, they [ENKS and PYD] themselves have said that there should be a decentralized Syria. Within this decentralization, how will Kurdish rights, their identity, and their language be protected? These are all key items on the agenda that both sides have discussed.

You mentioned the Syrian constitution. The interim Syrian constitution has been announced. Were you shocked by Syria's new constitution? Did you expect such a constitution in Syria?

In fact, we were expecting a committee to be formed that would include everyone, including Kurds. The Syrian society is diverse, it comprises many constituents, many religions, and its [people’s] mindset is flexible. It is tolerant toward all beliefs, cultures, and components. Therefore, representatives of the Preparatory Committee that was tasked with drafting the constitution ought to have included everyone.

Was there no Kurdish representative in the committee?

No, there was no Kurdish representative, and this [decision to exclude Kurds from the committee] was not in line with our wishes. Such a committee should have been formed allowing everyone to express their views on the constitution together, jointly so that after a few years [when the interim constitution expires], we would not be forced to change it [and present a new] constitution again, especially [its articles] concerning the fundamental rights of [members of the] Syrian society, particularly of Kurds.

How do you want the constitution to be?

In the constitution, education in the mother tongue should be a fundamental right for all ethnic groups in Syria. No language should be considered fundamental while another is not. One language shouldn't be official while another is not. All languages and cultures in Syria are official. The Syrian constitution should include an article allowing Kurds to receive education in their [native] language and to engage in their language. They should be able to revitalize and strengthen their culture, and this effort should be supported. The constitution should ensure this right. Also, in politics, all Syrian ethnic groups should be allowed to freely participate in politics and in the governance of this country. They should also have representatives in the Syrian administration. Kurds should have representation in Syria's administration.

Are there currently no Kurds in the Syrian government?

There is one Kurd, he is the minister of education, but he has joined [the cabinet] individually.

Is he a representative of Kurds in the Syrian government?

The Kurdish people should determine their own representatives and present them to the government.

So that minister doesn't represent Kurds, he was just appointed as an individual?

He was appointed as an individual and is there as an individual. His efforts and positions regarding Kurds might be good. We have no reservations in that regard but for the will of Kurds to be represented in the Syrian administration, Kurds themselves should designate their representatives.

Do you want the status of Rojava to be recognized and accepted as a region in the Syrian constitution?

We think that Syria should be a decentralized state. This decentralization has responsibilities and duties. We say these duties should be expanded. In terms of economy, the region should be self-sufficient. Second, regarding security, internal security should be regional. Similarly, language and education matters should be regional. Regional administrations should not just be for northeast Syria; they should exist in other regions as well, which would actually lighten Damascus's burden. Not everything should be centralized.

Will Damascus accept the presence of regions in Syria?

It seems they have a position, but it appears hidden. It has not been clarified through their statements. Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa once stated that they do not accept federalism. In my opinion, this has not been fully clarified yet because there is a constitution in effect and it needs to be finalized or amended. What has been announced is an interim constitution, but not the final and main constitution. Changes should be made to it. This issue should be discussed. These [amendments] are crucial so that Syria's unity remains protected, the country becomes peaceful, can progress, and does not remain as it is now.

How much oil and gas does the Rojava administration give to Damascus?

I do not have the exact numbers, but [Rojava] supplies Damascus with the product at a symbolic price after deducting the incurred expenses. This is both to improve the situation of the Syrian people and also for the [Syrian] administration to think about making way for a solution and for future agreements, and [to see] how they can move forward and think about this.

In return for the extracted product, does Damascus pay for the gas and oil expenses for the Rojava administration?

Yes, at the price it's produced.

I didn't understand.

I said it is being done.

Hasn't it been done until now?

This is the fee of production.

Who pays the money ?

The Syrian Ministry of Oil.

An agreement has been struck between Damascus and the Rojava administration regarding the Tishreen Dam. Has it been implemented?

That agreement is progressing well to some extent. In the coming days, next week, when preparations are completed, perhaps that will also be announced.

What is the agreement?

The agreement is that this dam should be sidelined from war and conflict because it is a service project and people benefit from it; it improves their lives. It should be safeguarded from war and protected, and a ceasefire should be implemented. There are discussions about its management. How will this dam be managed? How can it better be used? Talks are also underway to discuss this.

Could you give me some new information about Sare Kani (Ras al-Ain). What's new there?

There are discussions about the occupied regions: Sare Kani, Gire Spi [Tal Abyad], and Afrin. In the agreement made [between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)] and Damascus, there was a point concerning the return of the people who were forcibly displaced, to their homes. There is a decision or agreement in this regard. In the latest meeting, it was decided that a committee would be formed [to follow up on the matter], and discussions on this issue are continuing, especially the Afrin issue. It is high on the agenda.

It's a good thing that a large number of those who had entered Afrin have left, and coming and going to the city has become easier. People should be assured that when they return to their regions, they will not be arrested or oppressed. The armed groups should leave the region and the security apparatus should include locals. There are efforts to make sure people can safely return to their regions.

Are there any concerns that Damascus might attack Rojava?

What interest do they have in attacking? What benefit would they gain from that attack? I believe that today everyone in Syria is looking for peace. They are also tired of war. They truly want to rebuild themselves now. They want to escape from that past when they were constantly being refugees.

Those who are now in the Damascus administration say, 'We stood against Bashar al-Assad's dictatorship,' that's what they say. They say they have fought against whatever wrongs and oppression the Baath regime committed. If they stood against that, they should build their mindset, politics, system, and negotiations entirely according to that, to bring peace to the Syrian people and think accordingly. For that, we see [the Kurdish] region’s security as part of Syria's security, and the Damascus administration should also think this way.

Does Damascus think the same way?

So far, there are negotiations, and we have not seen a threat. We haven't seen such danger or hostility. We have not seen attempts to attack. We have not seen anything like that in their view so far, but we also say that we should reach a solution through negotiations for rebuilding Syria. That is, we should build the new Syria together. The new Syria should not be exclusive [to certain groups without others].

As you know, ISIS activities have increased in Iraq. Has ISIS also been stronger in Syria and Rojava?

When there are attacks on regions, ISIS strengthens itself more quickly. These threats always exist. Those attempts to free ISIS prisoners from prisons or from camps, these are ISIS cells attempting to reorganize themselves. Therefore, we cannot completely say that the threat is completely over. Even in areas under Damascus control, the images of people moving around with ISIS symbols are surfacing from Homs and other areas, in the desert, such movements exist. We do not believe that ISIS has ended in Syria and its movement has finished.

So there are still dangers?

Yes.

Are there talks between the SDF and Turkey? Are these talks direct or through American mediation?

In the matter of negotiations [with Turkey], even those with Damascus, Americans have a role. For a long time, their efforts have always been there. We believe that some steps have been taken, especially to create peace between us and Turkey, and so that we can solve problems through dialogue.

What do you want to agree upon with Turkey?

With Turkey, especially for a ceasefire, tension reduction, and ending the war, we want to agree on these key points. What should progress, is advancing and is under discussion. For this [agreement] to be permanent, [which is] what is wanted, and what steps we can take together… discussions are taking place within this framework.

Are you requesting a ceasefire?

Now the situation is better, better than before. There is calm, there are no hostilities, which is good. We see this positively and hope that it will be permanent and not temporary.

Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani met with Syria’s interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Antalya. How significant are these meetings for Rojava and Kurdish rights in Syria?

Anyone, any official, president, or representative who meets with (Ahmed) al-Sharaa encourages him to find solutions regarding Kurdish rights - both in the constitution and elsewhere - this creates comfort with the other side and opens the way for them to engage in more relaxed and free negotiations, to be able to solve the problem, especially in South Kurdistan [Kurdistan Region] and Iraq, an experience has developed. For this experience to develop, many difficulties have been overcome. When these experiences are also told to the other side, an encouragement is created for them to resolve this, which is appreciated and positive.

In Rojava, have the self-administration's relations with the United States and European countries become stronger or weaker after the fall of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad's regime?

So far, there hasn't been a major difference in terms of the negotiations; the negotiations are still ongoing as before. [Everyone] has a role in making dialogue with Damascus successful.

Have your relations with the US and Western countries remained good?

Yes, relations are good, and we believe they will improve even more from now on.

How is your relationship with the Kurdistan Region?

There is also a change with the Kurdistan Region. Especially in the agreement between Kurdish parties in Rojava, both the Region's role and the support it provided are seen as positive, good and are appreciated. We hope that until it is concluded, they will have a stronger role in this regard. As much as problems between Kurdish parties decrease, dialogue strengthens, there is sharing in all aspects, and they are supportive in solving problems. We believe that this will pave the way for lightening the burden on our society's shoulders, giving morale and strength. We hope that this relationship will progress and become stronger.

 

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